It is no longer a secret that General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) who presided over a military government in Nigeria between 1985 and 1993 has his eyes on the oil rich nation's presidency in the next presidential election in 2007.

Fairly or unfairly, Babangida's eight-year rule is marked in infamy by the events of June 12, 2003 when the gap-toothed General annulled what was widely acknowledged as the freest and fairest election in Nigeria's history. The annulment of an election which was the culmination of an endless transition program to civil rule, resulted in clashes between security forces and protesters, and political martyrdom for the presumed winner of the 1993 election, Chief M.K.O Abiola, who ultimately died in custody five years later.

The annulment unleashed a series of events, which resulted in Babangida's exit from Aso Rock, Nigeria's presidential palace and the assumption of power by General Sanni Abacha a few months later. Under Abacha's reign of terror, Nigeria became a pariah nation and was suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations. Babangida has still not offered an explanation for the events of June 1993.

During his eight-year rule as military president, Babangida did establish a number of social programs to alleviate poverty and to aid rural farmers. Many of the poor benefited from the interest free loans offered by his People's Bank of Nigeria. A directorate of rural infrastructure did in fact bring potable water to many rural dwellers. However, his Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) further increased the gap between the rich and poor, while unemployment soared and inflation increased. Corruption in Nigeria became endemic during Babangida's watch. The two billion dollar windfall that Nigeria earned during the first Gulf War is yet to be accounted for. A critic remembers IBB's era as "eight long years of long military rule with absolutely nothing to show for it except more of the same."

Babangida's record on human rights was abysmal. Many human rights campaigners, including the fiery lawyer Gani Fawehinmi, were routinely imprisoned. Newspapers and magazines were shut down for criticizing the government. On October 19, 1986, Nigeria's frontline journalist Dele Giwa was the recipient of a letter bomb. The General's refusal to allow a judicial enquiry into this high profile murder led to public perception that Giwa was assassinated by the government. In 1993, the United States Department of State documented that extrajudicial killings and excessive use of force by police and security forces were common. The most deadly incident occurred in July after the regime deployed police and military units to quell pro democracy protests in Lagos.

In a country where money is absolutely the ticket to political office, the charismatic Babangida is sitting pretty. Babangida's personal net worth was estimated in 1997 by the French weekly L'Evenement du Jeudi at just under $4 billion.

However Babangida's ambitions for Nigeria's presidency fly smack in the face of the expected candidacy of fellow northerner and current Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and the cry from the South East region where the Igbos feel marginalized and are mounting a campaign for Nigeria's presidency.

Renewed agitation for the actualization of the failed secessionist state of Biafra is directly related to perceptions of marginalization by the Igbos. Being left out of Nigeria's presidential politics will not sit well with them.

The argument that there are no nationalistic Igbo candidates will be difficult to make. Former Vice President Alex Ekwueme, Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke, former senate president, General Ike Nwachukwu and Governor Orji Kalu of Abia State are examples of a growing number of nationalistic Igbo politicians. However, if the Igbos do not fall behind one of their own, in all likelihood the largest populated country in Africa will by default end up with another IBB presidency.